Women Outside the Shadow - Part I

Photo via Boise Weekly

I recently stumbled on amazing piece of work by Ghaida Mutahar on Yemeni women during the revolution of 2011 (to read the Arabic version Click here). Mutahar called her paper "Women Outside the Shadow" and in it she presented to the world a group of pioneering women who are barely recognized for their activism and who remain unknown to the Yemeni populace. 
This work glorifies the role of 16 women as nonconformist political actors. The objective is to provide these women with a voice in the world, so we do not forget the capacity and achievements of Yemeni women during political turmoil. Mutahar is providing testimony so women are not forgotten again like they were in the struggle against the British colonizers and the Northern Imamate. 

In an attempt to honor these women, I will provide a brief summary of eight women today and the following eight tomorrow.  

1) Ghada Al 'Absi: She graduated in 2003 and attempted to pursue a higher degree in journalism; however she could not afford it. Ghada demanded an improvement in the quality of life and hopes that things change before she retires. On several occasions, she donated blood and other goods to Yemenis during the revolution and wrote various articles addressing the revolutionary youth. Ghada was accused by Islah members of being a spy and was detained in a tent. She hopes that that Yemen becomes a civil state; a nation that respects human rights without differentiating between individuals based on religion, ethnic background, or political ideology. 

2) Samar Al Jahmi: Samar's entire experience can be summarized as that of a victim of a very corrupt government. In 2003, Samar's cousin was killed by her husband who avoided imprisonment by bribing the judges. Prior to that, in 1994, her father (who was an immigrant) lost  a home he purchased in Al-Asbahi when the housing program was given to other individuals. Although Samar lives in Saudi Arabia, she helped the revolution by participating on websites and forums. Ofcourse, her dream is to improve Yemeni law in the future.

3) Sarah Al-Maqtari: Sarah is a radio host on FMShabab (FM Youth) and is the epitome of a nationalist. She feels betrayed by the government that failed to provide services to its humiliated population. Furthermore, Sarah was active on twitter, reporting to the world what happened on ground during the Yemeni revolution. She fears that the revolution maybe hijacked in the future by other groups who do not care about the future of the youth. 

4) Shatha Al-Harazi: Shatha reports a story of meeting the former Yemeni president, Saleh, and asking him to "leave" infront of his face. She is a reporter that worked with Yemen Times. Shatha portrayed the revolution as a humanist movement. During her life, Shatha lived under a dictatorship (Saudi), a democracy (UK), and a false democracy (Egypt) and she believes that she has the right to change the world that she lives in. She hopes to live in a world where individuals within a political system are not treated like divine beings. (FYI: Shatha Al-Harazi is one of the recipients of the Vital Voices Global Leadership Award for 2012). 

5) Manal Al-Hammadi: Manal, a mother and an employee at the Global Fund against AIDS, has been a life long opposer of Saleh's regime. She has actively participated in the protests and engaged in dialogues with various groups. Manal fears that after the revolution unqualified personalities would rise to power. One of her biggest concerns is the economic recovery and the rebuilding of the Yemeni infrastructure. 

6) Ashwaq Al-Rabi'ey: Ashwaq is an administrative employee and a translator. She presented the news to the world in the English language and helped educate protestors about the use of social media during protests. She fears that political parties in Yemen would alter the objectives of the revolution and is proud that Yemeni population finally acquired the self-confidence need to demand a better life. She wishes reform in order to combat corruption. 

7) Basma Abdulfatah: Basma is a PhD. student who opposed Saleh's government due to its militaristic style. She argues that there was too much power in the hands of certain individuals. Basma helped take photographs of the protestors and is very optimistic about the future of Yemen; due to the revolution's cooperative ambience. 

8) Nadia Mor'ai: Nadia is a poet, journalist, and teaching assistant. She supported the revolution because it provided a peaceful exist to all the corruption and a hope for a new democratic beginning. Nadia participated in the protests, continuously updated her facebook, marched with women in opposition and recited poetry that she wrote on the revolution of 2011.  

A Job First

Photo via Oxfam

If you are a Yemeni women living in Sana'a or Aden, by the time you finish high school, half of your female classmates are married or have plans to marry. If you are a Yemeni women from a rural area, then the odds are you are not going to school. The poorer your family is and the more siblings you have, the more likely that you will be one of those girls that has a child by the age of 13. The girls that make it into university are fortunate, but many are preoccupied searching for a husband, not necessarily because they want one but rather because they want to fit the societal expectation. I read an article once that stated that girls who are not married by the age of 27 are considered spinsters in Yemen (and I think they were being generous). Some countries in the region such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE are launching campaigns against spinsterhood, such as "Say Yes to Marriage". In Yemen, there is no need for such campaign because by the age of 21, odds are a girl is married and with a couple children. 

While Yemeni society continues to obsess about marriage, the country continues its downward economic spiral. A recent report concluded that early marriage is a huge obstacle in the path of development. A political sociology professor at Sana'a University, Dr. Abdulbaqi Shamsan, recently told Yemen Times that Yemen's demographics are changing; 70% of the population is young and about 50% of it is female. When women marry young, they retire to their homes  leaving the country depleted from a much needed workforce. Moreover, these young brides are increasing the country's poverty rates (more than 50% already below poverty line) and often suffer from illnesses and malnutrition .  Reem Al-Najar, director of The Marriage and Safe Pregnancy Project in the Yemen's Women Union (YWU), shared with the newspaper that YWU will be launching a campaign to educate the public about the harms of child marriages. 

Unfortunately, awareness campaigns can only take you so far. What Yemeni women need are opportunities. The economic outlook for the upcoming period is extremely bleak. Many men will have to accept the idea of their wives working if it means that their quality of life would improve. With high unemployment rates, it is hard for uneducated women to compete with men in the market, especially since most of the female working force is not paid. The transitional government will provide more economic opportunities for the population especially if the port of Aden is revived.  Perhaps the next campaign should say "Work First, Marry later". Women need to know about their rights as workers and must demand equal pay for the work they do. To those ladies who are looking for a husband, who knows perhaps a husband will find you because economically, as a couple, you are a lot more likely to live better.

Should Yemeni Women Govern the Transitional Period?

I stumbled upon this op-ed by Abdullah Mahwari and I needed to share it. For the Arabic version, click here.  For a loose translation of the article, look below.  

Leave the Power to Women

By Abdullah Mahwari 

Monday, August 6, 2012 

All political sheikhs, party sheikhs and fatawa sheikhs must leave the political arena and take an open ended vacation and a comprehensive period for recovery and  self-reflection, away from the spotlight. They should leave the political arena to the Yemeni woman, the granddaughter of Queen Bilqis and Arwa,  and let her take charge on all fronts, for the interim period only. This is in order to allow male politicians (of all parties mentioned above) to arrange their papers, organize their files and hone their brave men for the upcoming elections.

Give women this critical transitional period because you, gentlemen, are not good at it at all. "May God bless a man who knows his limitations", believe me you will never regret this. For once in your lifetime confess that you are "futile with excellence" in crisis management and that you are not capable of this responsibility at the present time.

Admission of guilt is a virtue. We, the men, on the land of Bilqis (May she rest in peace) are unfit to rule. This is the truth that is obvious for everyone to see and it does not require intelligence to realize. Withdraw from political life! all of you with beards, guns and empty minds and leave the political ring for those who deserves it.  You who are futile with excellence, history will write that you are the worst rulers of Yemen over all the previous centuries. The Yemeni politician, and I mean the man, is money oriented who does not serve the country but rather his benefactor.  He is also selfish and lacks nationalism. We want a Yemeni woman to govern us; we want originality, sincerity, loyalty and honor  to lead us.  We want our leader, our teacher and our  symbol of pride among the nations to be a woman.

O men, disappear from the political scene and get out of the ministries and the parliament. Do independent work and form associations where you can trade lies and hypocrisy out of the political arena. Sell each other outside the country, and feed on each other outside of our homes and in private rather than on our audio-visual media. Do not ruin our children as you are not fit to be anyone's role model. Do not spoil our tastes with your ruddiness. We are done with your boring appearances, your yelling, your wars and your display of power on each other. We are fed up with your  meekness, your clock and dagger activities, you lack of chivalry, and your betrayal. You who are futile with excellence, disappear from our view.  

There are two ways to read this article; either this man appreciates the efforts of women, or he is attempting to insult men by telling them that women can do it better. I do not know the background of Abdullah Mahwari, so I cannot tell you where he stands. For those who choose to believe that he is flattering women, then this man is excellent in the politics of flattery. Most women, especially those who are actively involved in Yemeni politics, will feel honored by his words. I feel sincerity in Abdullah's frustrations with the Yemeni politicians, but I can not get over this line: "[men] should leave the political arena to the Yemeni woman and let her take charge on all fronts, for the interim period only". So, consider this a freudian slip. 

If you are one of those who consider his article a sarcastic stab at the guts of men, then he is making fun of women too. 

When the Yemeni revolution first took off, women took to the streets with men. They slept in tents, shouted the same slogans and protested the same nuisances as men. It was a period of uncertainty. While I watched from abroad, I could not predict what was to come. My biggest fear was that all of these women, who exerted a lot of time and effort for the sake of democracy, will be confronted by the same realities that the Egyptian women are facing now (not a single woman was appointed as a minister). I was exceptionally delighted when three women were chosen as ministers and many others were appointed on various advisory committees. My anxiety for women decreased and I worried about other things; effectively increasing women's participation in the parliament, education and the labor force. Although Abdullah Mahwari's article is dubious, I can't help but wonder if women are only doing the heavy lifting temporarily. So wise up women! and make sure that whatever you do in the following two years will carry into the future. 

A New War on Women?

Bushra Al-Maqtari 

"The Arab Awakening protest movement encouraged religious tolerance among its participants, while in some instances, the resulting political crisis provided a context that stoked existing religious tensions" - Yemen's Religious Freedom Report

Is it possible that the Arab Awakening opened doors for a new war on women? is there a new form of sexism that is declared in the name of religion?

Women all over the Middle East have been demanding political equality and while we await their democratic freedoms to expand, newspapers are reporting rapes from Libya, sexual assaults in Egypt and deaths in Syria. Sexism is not the least bit a phenomenon in the Middle East; however, the utilization of religion as a tool of war against women is becoming a trend.  Religion, which was once implemented with care and knowledge, is now used in most political conflicts. 

In Yemen, the political war between the Houthis and the government has become about religious ideology. Underneath the religious facade, it is mostly about power to rule. This war even invited unwanted political involvement from Iran and Saudi, threatening the security of the nation with a proxy war; all in the name of religious authenticity. This July, the United States Department of State released the International Religious Freedom Report for Yemen and declared that religious freedom in Yemen is not ideal yet not too problematic. The report focused on religious pluralism and sectarian violence, but it failed to recognize Yemeni women as victims of religious partiality. 

Should Yemeni women be fearful? Perhaps, if they are to choose to have a voice and challenge Yemeni culture. Case in point, Bushra Al-Maqtari, a 31 year-old divorcee from Taizz. Bushra, a journalist, wrote an article about the revolution. In this article, she expressed her thoughts about the bloody battle of Khidar (Dec. 2011) between the demonstrators and pro-Saleh forces. She shared her feelings by saying that she questioned whether God was witnessing everything. While some may agree and many may disagree, religious extremists in the country declared Bushra an infidel who questioned the existence of God. In response, Bushra clarified that she is believing Muslim and that she did not question the existence of God but rather his presence in all situations. Regardless, what Bushra wrote may be a reason for many people to dislike her, but what happened after that made this about all women. 

On January 29, 2011, a public fatwa was issued against Bushra declaring her an "unbeliever", a charge punishable by death. Over night, more than 70 Imams supported this fatwa without solid proof. It is not surprising that many individuals are following these fatwas blindly as the total literacy rate is a mere 45.3%. More recently, Bushra has been threatened more seriously and her reputation was tarnished on facebook and newspapers. Is Bushra going to be safe? lets hope her friends and family can protect her and that Yemenis have more sense than to hurt someone for their opinions.

This is what happens in the absence of a central government. Chaos takes over and at the moment women are in danger. Hurting women by questioning their honor and integrity is not a new political tactic. In fact, it is used globally. Adding radical religion to the equation is what makes this tactic threatening, not only to Yemeni women, but to men who hope to see Yemen prosper. 

Muftah: Women’s Rights and Revolution in Yemen: A Local Perspective

By: Saleem Haddad*



The role of women in Yemen’s Arab Spring has shocked international observers. In a country where the cultural, political, and economic gaps between men and women are some of the largest in the world, women did not simply ‘join’ the protests but were a leading force behind the cultural evolution that powered the revolutionary movement.

In taking their politics to the street, these women challenged homogenized images of ‘Third World Women’ as powerless, docile, submissive, and in the case of Muslim women specifically, in desperate need of liberation by the West. At the same time, many Arab feminists approached women’s rights in the Arab Spring with trepidation, wary of liberal feminist discourses that helped justify military interventions in the Middle East,

To understand women’s involvement in the Arab Spring generally and in Yemen specifically, we need to shift away from globalized media narratives influenced by imperial discourses of the likes of Mona Eltahawy and move toward local modes of knowledge production. Examining discourses of emancipation articulated by women in their localized context is necessary both to genuinely address women’s rights and move beyond liberal interventionism in the region.

Nowhere is this truer than in Yemen, where decentralised politics makes it impossible to homogenize the experience and role of women in Yemen’s protest movement. To understand the Yemeni revolution from a gendered perspective, one must begin by looking at the differing local dynamics, which affected women’s participation. In Tai’z, for instance, women were front and centre in street politics and civil disobedience strikes, using the shame associated with threatening or attacking women to protect protesters from violence.

On the other hand, in the northern highlands of Sa’ada, where the Zaydi Houthi movement, and not the central government, has control, women were prohibited from demonstrating in the streets. Instead they conducted biweekly gatherings in schools and wrote anonymous letters to corrupt local council leaders. While women-only protests did exist, they occurred only when sanctioned and facilitated by the staunchly anti-regime, Houthi-run local authority. Many women jumped at the opportunity to attend these sessions both for political reasons and also because, for many, it was a rare chance to leave home for a social occasion.

In Sana’a, where tribal customs hold great sway, hundreds of women set fire to their veils in protest, a symbolic gesture used to appeal to tribesmen for support in desperate times. In doing so, these women ensured that the local tribes would take ownership of, and not be threatened by, the revolution.

In Aden, women navigated the complex politics of the city’s protest squares, where calls for revolution were intertwined with calls for secession. There, the Southern Issue—a set of political, social, economic, and historical grievances—formed the cornerstone of women’s calls for change. Women activists in the South have been frustrated with those in the North who dominate the discussions around ‘women’s rights’. According to a prominent woman activist in Aden, they “do not respect Southern women and the Southern Issue”.

In each of these instances, women have demonstrated a remarkable ability to carve out spaces of resistance, defying harassment and utilizing small openings to make their voices heard. Amongst this diversity, one commonality has consistently emerged: women activists throughout the country have insisted on articulating their struggle for equal rights within a broader revolutionary discourse calling for a ‘modern, civic state’ with ‘justice’ and ‘equality’ for all Yemeni citizens, regardless of gender, religion or geography.

This statement is simple, but subversive. Through this approach, women activists have placed themselves at the very centre of Yemen’s revolution, whose success now hinges upon the role these women will play in the coming years. Any regression in women’s rights will undoubtedly signal a failure of the revolution itself.

This not only embeds women within Yemen’s revolution, but also ties feminist discourses to wider systems of oppression. This is where international, liberal feminist approaches have failed. One cannot disaggregate the status of women in Yemen from the wider structures of oppression that drove hundreds of thousands of Yemenis to the streets. To support the role of women in the post-Arab Spring landscape one must not shy away from addressing the wider structures of economic and political oppression, which are undoubtedly complex and inevitably political.

By localising dissent and placing their calls for equality at the heart of the protest movement, women have also become targets. Violence against women during the Yemeni protests cannot be disentangled from wider counter-revolutionary objectives and attempts by more established forces to control, hijack, or weaken independent uprisings.

It is, therefore, no surprise that, in order to weaken the protest movement, the Islah party, a broad coalition of Islamists, descended onto the squares and segregated the sexes. Women were prevented from protesting with men. In Sanaa, for instance, women were forced to sit in a separate yard inside the square, covered by heavy curtainsand locked behind a thick iron gate.

While Islah members argued it was haram for men and women to mix publicly, this act also served to weaken and divide the protest movement that emerged in the first few months of 2011, and allowed Islah to control the squares. What better way to cut at the heart of calls for equality than by literally dividing the population in two under the false guise of religiosity?

A bottom-up approach to understanding gender dynamics helps us challenge liberal internationalist feminism that obfuscates more than it reveals. Similarly, approaching local articulations of feminism within the wider context of resistance against broader political, military and economic oppression is also necessary to ensure that feminist objectives are embedded within broader calls for resistance. In the end, we may find that it is not the broad sweeping statements, but the small localized spaces of resistance that we need to be watching.

In March 2012, a woman in Sa’ada, who had participated in the anonymous letter campaign to corrupt local officials, said in an interview, “I was dreaming of the day when I could raise my voice rather than write anonymous letters. With the protests I found I was able to say whatever I see to women during the festivals. But now that I’ve done this, a feeling inside me is growing everyday telling me that I am not satisfied. I am hungry for something more.”


*Saleem Haddad is a staff writer with Muftah.

The Yemeni Revolution from a Young Journalist's Perspective

Nawal Al-Maghafi worked with BBC Arabic to present a look inside the Yemeni revolution from the perspective of two men from the same family; the Deputy Minister of Information, Abdou Al Janadi, whom she dubbs the "President's Man" and his son who was opposed to Saleh's regime. While the video provides a straight forward story of these two men, it is also symbolic of the divisions that the Yemeni people are facing. Here is The President's Man and his Opposing Son:

Question: During the Yemeni Revolution, you were in London, what inspired you to go to Yemen? Once you were in Yemen, did you participate in any of the demonstrations? are there any specific stories that you want to share? 

Nawal: As the Arab Spring spread across the Middle East, I watched the news religiously. Wondering wether it would spread to Yemen, my home country. Although I was raised in London, Yemen is my home and remains close to my heart. I was already working as a documentary producer for pressTV and so when the protests did finally erupt in Yemen it seemed only natural for me to be the one to document it, I couldn't miss out on this, and had to be apart of the change!

I went to the change square daily, it became one of my favourite places in Yemen, it was a place where people finally dared to fight for their rights, and voice their opinions freely, something that wasn't common in a conservative country such as Yemen. When I look back at the months I was in Yemen when the revolution was in full swing, I will never forget the passion and bravery of the youth, who were willing to lose their lives for Yemen. I will never forget the tears of the mothers in the field hospital that lost their sons in the fight for change in Yemen.

Question: Why did you choose to do a story about the deputy minister of information and his son? why not focus on other individuals?

Nawal: One of the qualities of the Yemeni revolution that made it unique in comparison to the other revolutions in the Arab Spring, was that there was a great divide in the country. Whilst the Tahreer Squares in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya were overflowing with protesters demanding the fall of their dictators, Yemens Tahreer Square was full of Saleh supporters. On the other hand, there were millions of people protesting against Saleh and his regime across the country.

Abdu Al-Janadi, the Deputy Minister of Information and his Son Dr Abuther Al-Janadi, represented this divide.
Abdu Al-Janadi kept the regime surviving after all the main people in the regime were either killed or injured in the Nahdain mosque bombing. And his son Abuthar was leading the protest in Taiz, calling for the fall of the regime his father played such a strong part in.

There was no specific reason as to why I picked the Al-Janadi's, but they represented the divide in Yemen that I was trying to show in the film.

Question: Are there any stories that you were not capable of sharing with us on Camera? 

Nawal: There is plenty!! Unfortunately, I wasn't allowed to film Al-Janadi's wife in the film, and what a shame that was. She has such a strong character, and when you meet her you realise how much of a part she plays in his life and in the decisions he has made. Also, had I had more time, I wish I could have told the stories of Al-Janadis history, he was one of the main people opposing Saleh, and was wanted to be executed for trying to plan a coup against Saleh, and now he is now one of Saleh's most loyal supporters!

Question: Why do you think it was in the documentary's narrative to bring together the president's man and his son? was it symbolic of anything else? what do you hope the audience take away from this story?

Nawal: In the time I spent in Yemen, I realised that one of the biggest obstacles the new transitional government is facing in progressing is because most of the political sides are not cooperating. This divide that is between all these groups will continue to halt the progress of the country, it is important for all political sides to unite and do what is best for the nation.

Al-Janadi and Abuthar meeting in the end was to portray that it is possible for all the political sides to unite and to discuss and to work on rebuilding our nation, together.

Question: During the documentary, the ex-president Saleh appeared for a few minutes, the narrator explained him as "humble" while he tested a "new" antique car. Why is his presence in the documentary significant? why do you think he chose to share that moment with the crew of BBC? any other "off-camera" conversations?

Nawal: Firstly, the narrator does not explain Ali Abdullah Saleh as humble, it was Al-Janadi who says this. I was very nervous about our meeting with him, I had been making calls trying to organise it for weeks, and now was finally the time. It was important to have him in the film with Al-Janadi, because I thought I had to show the audience what type of relationship they had. Is it a formal one or a friendly one, but from what I noticed it seems it is very formal.

I think the ex-president was very uncomfortable when his new gift arrived whilst we were there, he tried to sensor that part of the footage too for the DVD we were given, but I was able to get it from another source. I was able to interview him too, but unfortunately the whole of the interview was cut as well from the footage, and all I have left are my notes.

Question: What are you planning to do in the near future? Is Yemen involved in your plans? What do you predict for Yemen?

Nawal: Im already in the development stages of my next film, I have 3 new films that are a work in progress. Hopefully, if all goes to plan, the next one will be broadcast in November, but you will have to wait and see what its about!

Biography from Nawal's Website

Nawal Al-Maghafi is a freelance journalist of Yemeni heritage. Raised in London, she was awarded her undergraduate degree in Economics with Politics from the University of Nottingham, where she was the Founder and President of the Arabic Society; as well as the Political Officer for the Black and Ethnic Minority Network. This is where her interest in the Middle East sparked. She began her pursuit in Journalism at only 19 years of age, where she was trained at Al-Jazeerah London. Focusing on the Middle East and with the objective to uncover the untold stories of the Arab World. She was one of the few journalists that followed the uprisings in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. She then completed 3 documentaries focusing on the Yemeni Revolution and one on Saudi oppression, and was nominated for two awards for her film, Saadah: The Untold Story. She is now based in Yemen, and has begun her career in print journalism as well as film making. She is fluent in both Arabic and English.

Questions for Ambassador Barbara Bodine: What's next for Yemen?

These questions were directed to Ambassador Barbara Bodine following the NCUSAR event (read more about it below). The following day, on June 27, ambassador Bodine was one of the experts who signed a letter directed to president Barack Obama urging him to change US policy towards Yemen. You can read the letter here.

*Ambassador Bodine's Biography is attached at the end of the interview. 

Q. Ambassador Bodine, you have signed a letter addressed to President Obama on June 25, 2012 urging him to change US policy towards Yemen. Yemeni pessimists believe that this letter would not change anything. Do you believe that US policy will change towards Yemen if Obama remains as president? If in a few months former governor Romney wins the vote, will policy towards Yemen change? Also, the letter mentioned recommendations that suggested an increase in foreign aid however how would the US insure that the aid is going to the right place or people? 

I don’t think any of those involved with the letter believe that it will, in and of itself, change policy. It is not that simple.  Nor do we believe the views and recommendations are at great variance with the views and recommendations of some, at least, within the Administration. We do hope that by adding our voices to the debate we can help shape it over the long term. A second audience for the letter is also the American people who have a rather narrow view of US interests in, policy toward and options on Yemen, given the media’s tendency to cover only the most dramatic of events and security issue.

Policy toward Yemen has changed already over the past few years from almost entirely security-centric to security-dominated but clear efforts to broaden the scope.  The US is active in the Friends of Yemen and has significantly increased its economic and other assistance as evidenced by US Agency for International Development Administrator Shah’s recent visit. This increased assistance has however come at the same time as a sharp increase in the use of drones,  expanded authority on targeting  and other steps. The letter recommends that efforts toward recalibrating the focus and attention of US policy and programs be strengthened and expanded.

I would not presume to predict what further changes might be possible during the last months of or a second term for President Obama, which will be driven both by events on the ground and non-military resources available. Similarly, I could not presume to know what a President Romney might do.  Much may depend on his views on economic and governance assistance, development assistance and the use of diplomacy in the furtherance of US policy.

How assistance is programmed must be done in cooperation with the Yemeni government, concerned and appropriate NGOs, and other partner states and organizations. One assumption I do want to clarify – assistance is not a check presented to the government, any government. Assistance is done through programs, projects and activities. Regrettably, there will never be a level of assistance great enough to match Yemen’s needs and there will be places and issues that are underfunded if funded at all.  That is why working toward sustainable economy is  better goal.

Q. At the NCUSAR event, you emphasize the importance of using Aden's port as an international trade point. As a professor at Princeton University, you have worked with a group of students on a Development Plan for Greater Aden. This plan depends on stability. When do you think this plan will take place? who would be in charge of this effort? There are coordinations pending with the Aden Development Council, but when will the plan be public? 

The plan for Greater Aden was developed by a group of graduate students last year.  “Plan” may be too strong a word. It is more a proposal or an outline, not a blueprint or a timeline.  It does not including funding estimates, a critical element but beyond the scope of the students’ work.

Of course implementation depends on a level of stability, as well as Yemeni political will and international involvement, both donor and private sector. But just as development requires stability, stability requires development. The trick is how to advance on one in support of the other.  The proposal had no timelines but in sketching out a structure strongly recommends that the Yemeni government – both the central government and the Aden government in partnership – be in charge. It includes a structure provisionally called “The Aden Development Council” but I am not aware of any steps taken so far to establish the Council.  I would caution against the assumption that the students prepared a detailed blueprint ready for immediate implementation.

Q. You are a firm believer that Aden is capable of becoming an important economic center with a free zone. The port will gain benefit from the transportations to and from the Suez Canal with Bab-al-Mandab as a main source. Can you please elaborate more on this idea? Also, due to Aden's proximity to Africa, many of the refugees enter Yemen through Aden, how does the problem of refugees pose a threat to this project. Furthermore, is it possible that this port be hijacked by AQAP in the future if their strength proves to be more durable? Talking about spoilers, how do you make sure that corruption, which is prevalent in Yemen, does not take over this project? 

There are a lot of questions here.  The basis of the proposal refers back to Aden’s once pre-eminent position as a major shipping hub, a tradition that pre-dates the British in fact. The fundamentals remain, most significantly one of the best natural harbors in the world at an ideal location. Other advantages are land suitable for urban growth, the beginnings of a Free Zone, potential to handle containers, cargo and fuel, an existing airport and a large labor force.  The downsides are a lack of sustained and coordinated investment in infrastructure – the port, the free zone and the international airport; lack of a trained workforce; inadequate water and electricity and security.  While those downsides are significant, none are insurmountable.  Labor can be trained; water can be desalinated; electricity can be generated; and, security can be enhanced, for example through an expanded Yemeni Coast Guard.

There is the theoretical risk that AQAP could take over the port, but this development proposal is a long term effort. If AQAP threatens the port area, it could derail efforts at any stage, just as the 2000 attack on the USS Cole set back efforts to develop the port. That potential however need not stop detailed planning on what will be a long term, incremental and staged effort.

This is a proposal to do more than expand the current container port. The broader vision is the development proposal is for the greater Aden area.  If it were successful, if it were able to provide employment and economic stability, that would also help blunt the appeal of groups like AQAP.

Finally, this is a comprehensive proposal. It includes a look at governance issues, judicial frameworks and obviously the question of corruption. Corruption is not, regrettably unique to Yemen nor limited to Aden. A concerted plan to control corruption is needed more broadly in Yemen.  However, planning and initial steps toward comprehensive regional development need not wait, and could in fact help fuel governance reform. 

Q. "Yemen has a large number of workers however they are not skilled": in NCUSAR, you briefly mentioned that due to unemployment, it is easy to find employees who are willing to work, but they lack skills. How easy would it be to train them? how long will it take? 

Yemen has a large and underutilized work force that lacks many of the skills needed.  Training need not be lengthy or complicated, depending on the task required. One model used in a number of countries, both developing and developed, is a partnership among private sector investors, both Yemeni and international, and  training providers.  Brazil has been particularly successful at this.  Training of mid and upper level managers as well as skilled labor force is also needed.  While reform of the education system may be necessary and worthy, we do not need to start with current 5 year olds in creating a skilled workforce.  There are unemployed young Yemenis – some without basic skills, some with experience abroad, and some with higher education – all of whom can be trained in relatively short time to take on new tasks.  The key is be sure there is a link between the training provided and the skills needed.

Q. When expert Charles Schmitz mentioned that the US needs to pressure the Gulf and Saudi Arabia into accepting Yemeni laborers as a way to fix Yemen's economy and increase remittances, you shook your head briefly. Can you tell us why? what is the best way to improve Yemen's economy (some people can argue that because Yemen has the 2nd most growing population in the world, no matter how much the economy improves in Yemen, it will never be able to absorb all of the population)?

I do not think that it is realistic to depend on a return to the days of massive expatriate labor in the Gulf and Saudi Arabia to solve Yemen’s economic problems.   First, Yemen labor was critical to the construction of the Kingdom and the Gulf states, but the labor tended to be unskilled or semi-skilled. The labor requirements now a more sophisticated. Yemeni workers need the correct skill sets to be competitive.  Second, major projects in the Gulf states won by Chinese, Indian, Korean or other firms often include as part of the package the provision of labor, recruited by the company or a subcontractor, a broker, housed and managed by the same, and then returned to their country of origin when the project is complete. Finally, while I agree that any measure that relieves the unemployment pressures and increases the remittance levels in Yemen is good, remittances can create another form of “rentierism” – unearned and unproductive income.  While remittances do help raise the standard of living of family members and can drive the consumer goods sector, they are often not available or used to create productive infrastructure, enterprises and employment.  Thank back to Yemen’s own experience with the return of workers in the early 1990s.

Q. You mentioned briefly the importance of preventing a proxy war in Yemen between Saudi Arabia and Iran. To some, this war is already in play. How much worse can it get? Could this situation in any way be similar to the proxy war that occurred between Saudi Arabia and Egypt in Yemen? Is it possible that the US would support Saudi Arabia in this war considering that Iran is a common opponent? 

This has yet risen to the level of a proxy war commensurate with Saudi Arabia and Egypt in Yemen in the 1960s and do not think it helpful to theorize on what steps the US would take should the level of competition raise to that level. The first priority, however, would be the integrity and survival of Yemen as a state, as it was in 1994.

Q. What would you recommend be Yemen's main short-term, mid-term and long term goals? what should Yemen do about other non-terrorism or economy related needs like child marriages, famine, displacement, etc?

It is for the Yemeni government and Yemeni people to decide on short, medium and long term goals and how best to get there.  You have alluded to many goals I assume are widely shared just in the nature of your questions and the nature and goals of the uprising over the past 18 months – a stable, responsive and legitimate government, a sustainable economy and a reasonable level of personal and state security. Those are the goals of virtually any peoples in the world. The challenge is prioritization and sequencing…and patience that does not slip to passivity and commitment that does not slip to dogma.

Biography

The President announced on September 2, 1997 his intention to nominate Barbara K. Bodine, a career member of the Senior Foreign Service, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Yemen. She was confirmed on November 5, 1997.

After initial tours in Hong Kong and Bangkok, Ambassador Bodine has spent her career working primarily on Southwest Asia and the Arabian Peninsula. She has twice served in the Bureau of Near East Affairs' Office of Arabian Peninsula Affairs, first as Country Officer for the Yemenis, then as Political-Military officer for the peninsula. She later served as Deputy Office Director. Ambassador Bodine has also had assignments as Deputy Principal Officer in Baghdad, Iraq, and as Deputy Chief of Mission in Kuwait during the Iraqi invasion and occupation in 1990. She was awarded the Secretary of State's Award for Valor for her work in occupied Kuwait.

Following Kuwait, Ambassador Bodine was the Associate Coordinator for Operations and later served as the Acting Coordinator for Counterterrorism. She went on to serve as the Dean of Professional Studies at the Department's Foreign Service Institute. She has worked on the secretariat staff of Secretaries Kissinger and Vance, and as a Congressional Fellow in the office of Senator Robert Dole. Most recently, Ms. Bodine spent a year as the Director of East African Affairs.

Ambassador Bodine was born in 1948 in St. Louis, Missouri. She earned her B.A. in Political Science and Asian Studies, and graduated magna cum laude from the University of California at Santa Barbara. She received her Master's degree from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in Massachusetts. She also studied at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Department of State's Language Training Field Schools in Taiwan and Tunisia. She is a member of Phi Beta Kappa and serves on the Board of Directors of the UCSB Alumni Association and on the Advisory Council to the Program on Southwest Asian and Islamic Civilization Studies at the Fletcher School. She was the recipient of the UC Santa Barbara Distinguished Alumni Award in 1991. 

Appointment Date:  11/07/97
Oath of Office:  12/10/97

Crisis Yemen: Going where?

On June 26, 2012, the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations, the U.S.-GCC Corporate Cooperation Committee, and the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies (U.S. Department of Defense/National Defense University) hosted "Crisis Yemen: Going Where?" at the City Club in Washington, DC. Participating specialists were: Ambassador Barbara Bodine, Mr. Gregory Johnsen, Dr. Charles Schmitz, and Mr. Robert Sharp. National Council Founding President and CEO Dr. John Duke Anthony served as moderator.

Each one of these experts knew that Yemen's economic situation is on the verge of being catastrophic unless certain steps are taken to save the nation. Ambassador Barbara Bodine discussed how Yemen is facing many problems; the economy is weak, there is famine, there are multiple wars, AQAP captured cities there, etc. However, she seemed optimistic that the country is capable of getting back on its feet if the port of Aden is utilized correctly by the government. She also emphasized the need for an improved US policy towards Yemen. The following expert was Gregory Johnsen of big think waq-al-waq blog about terrorism in Yemen. Johnsen expressed that AQAP is growing stronger in the past 2 decades and that the US policy (using drones and missiles) is only effective at disorienting the organization but not at eliminating it. 

Dr. Charles Schmitz seemed oddly optimistic as he thinks that the situation in Yemen is not as bad as many experts make it out to be and seriously advocated that the US pressure the Gulf and Saudi Arabia into accepting Yemeni immigrants back in. This is only way that Yemen is capable of improving its economy; it will provide remittances for families and relieve the pressure of Yemen's every growing economy. Finally, Mr. Robert Sharp spoke frankly about the role of the US and the GCC in Yemen. In his opinion, the US is facing its own economic challenges and thinks that the country will mainly provide counterterrorism aid.  He believes that most of the development efforts will be directly the responsibility of the GCC, first because of their proximity and understanding of the region and second because of their financial capabilities. All of these speakers emphasized the improtant role that the current and following Yemeni government will play in facilitating these development plans. 

Simply put, if we are to answer where is Yemen going, then their collective answer will be that the Yemeni government needs to organize itself and begin functioning as an effective government. Yemen should look towards the GCC for development aid and programs, while it should look towards the US as a partner in defeating terrorists. Where is Yemen going? the experts can only provide suggestions and Yemen's future remains unknown.